The Fresno Frenzy: Invasion of the Animal
and Earth Liberation Fronts
Flying over Fresno in February 2003, I looked
out the window of the airplane and saw a landscape littered with
factory farm buildings that housed thousands of animals in complete
misery, confined in cramped cages and pens until they were ready
for slaughter. I got a foreboding feeling about the setting in
which I was about to land.
I was en route to an unprecedented conference
called “Revolutionary Environmentalism,” held at the
University of California, Fresno (UCF). It brought together notorious
animal rights and environmental activists arrested for direct
action and acts of animal liberation and property destruction,
along with noted academics who write about and support this controversial
aspect of the animal rights movement.
The implicit understanding of “revolutionary”
involved (1) a critique of the capitalist system and its privileging
of profit over all other values; (2) opposition to the Western
worldview of anthropocentrism which disconnects human beings from
nature and views the natural world as resources for human consumption;
(3) direct action tactics that bypass the political process as
an ineffectual means of change, that practice civil disobedience
and lawbreaking, and that sometimes destroy the property of individuals
or industries that harm animals or degrade nature.
Organized by Political Science professor Mark
Somma, UCF approved hosting this provocative and singular conference.
Rarely do universities support such controversial topics, but
UCF approval was all the more remarkable as animal rights and
environmental activists have declared war against interests such
as agribusiness that are among its key financial contributors.
In attendance were former Animal Liberation Front
(ALF) activists Rod Coronado and Gary Yourofsky; Captain Paul
Watson of the Sea Shepard Conservation Society; former Earth Liberation
Front (ELF) spokespersons Craig Rosebaugh and James Leslie Pickering;
Dr. Bron Taylor, Chair of Religion at the University of Florida;
Dr. Rik Scarce from Science and Technology Studies at Michigan
State University; faculty members from various departments at
CSU; and myself.
During a time when the Bush administration put
the nation on “high” alert for terrorist attacks,
the conference brought together representatives from the FBI’s
most wanted “domestic terrorist” groups -- the ALF
and ELF -- and many others to discuss radical environmentalism
and direct action. The stage was set for high drama.
An Irate Industry
The passion play started in December 2001 when
the Center For Consumer Freedom (CCF), a conservative group representing
restaurant and tavern owners, got wind of the conference and put
notice of it on their site with an article entitled “Legitimizing
the Lunatics.” Setting the precedent for conservative reaction,
they vilified the conference participants and condemned CSU for
allowing “criminals” and “eco-terrorists”
on their campus, thereby allegedly justifying their cause. In
a case study of how industry propaganda and disinformation machines
operate, CCF whipped up a climate of fear and hysteria by alerting
other interest groups around the country about the event. CCF
misrepresented university motives, absurdly exaggerated the danger
of violence, and caricatured conference participants in crude
terms while never questioning the impact of industry on animals
and the earth.
Needless to say, the Fresno agribusiness community
was outraged that the university they contributed money to would
host a cadre of people militantly opposed to their business and
values. Weeks before it happened, the conference dominated Fresno
media and talk radio stations. People throughout the university
and community debated it with great intensity, although with precious
little information about direct action movements. Symptomatic
of the paranoia hovering over Fresno as thick as its deadly fog
of air pollution, car dealers hired extra security out of fear
that hoards of black-clothed, balaclava-wearing thugs would pounce
on their SUV lots in pre-dawn raids, as in fact the ELF has done
in other states.
Prominent among the mob of detractors was John
Harris, owner of one of the largest beef ranches in the San Joaquin
Valley. Harris penned an op-ed in the Fresno Bee calling the conference
participants “terrorists.” Many backers of CSU threatened
to withdraw financial support in the belief that the university
“sponsored” or “supported” eco-terrorism.
Republican California Senator Dennis Hollingsworth joined the
chorus of those decrying the “waste” of taxpayer money
and demanding reducing state funds to the university proportionately.
The university issued press releases and statements
on their web site that rejected these charges and insisted they
were only hosting a timely debate about issues that clearly relate
to the critics. Wisely, the university acknowledged that animal
and earth liberation movements were part of a new political culture
and it is better to try to understand than to ignore them. Many
critics were not convinced, and felt that the university was unavoidably
validating repugnant radical viewpoints. These same people insisted
that they are not opponents of free speech rights, while they
made a convenient exception to the rule. Symptomatic of the level
of bias, a CSU student interviewed in the Los Angeles Times compared
the conference members to the Ku Klux Klan, as CSU classics and
humanities professor Bruce Thorton argued the university should
no more sponsor this group of radicals than it should child molesters.
Other critics proclaimed the conference was rigged
unfairly to advance a one-sided agenda without opposing voices.
In fact, agribusiness interests were invited to speak but declined
the offer. Moreover, the charge of bias is absurd because the
conference was the one time university and community members could
hear alternative viewpoints rather than the agribusiness propaganda
that dominates Fresno. The conference, in other words, was the
balance critics claimed was lacking.
Free Speech – Except For You
Putting aside invidious comparisons with activists
who espouse compassion, non-violence, and anti-discriminatory
views of any kind, does not even the KKK have a right to speak?
Is not the university the most appropriate forum for debating
controversial issues? Does truth not emerge through the clash
of opposing positions? Are direct action tactics and the new liberation
movements not among the urgent issues of the day that deserve
a public airing? Is it wrong to discuss what is happening to animals
and the environment in an era of intense development of the natural
world and mass mechanization? Should students be “protected”
from controversial views or do they need to hear them? Can they
not make up their own minds, or do they need the paternalism of
the state patriarchs?
The greater harm is not in having the debate,
but in silencing it. The representatives of the agricultural industry
and their conspirators showed themselves to be cowards, morally
bankrupt, devoid of respect for truth and democracy, and shameless
peddlers of propaganda. The university, conversely, was courageous
as it withstood attacks from ardent supporters, from other members
of the faculty and the community, and from the state government.
If nothing else, the university gave local business interests
the opportunity to meet and better understand their enemy.
Most of the conference was closed to the non-university
community in order to prevent disruption and guarantee the kind
of sober dialogue the organizers and participants sought. Thus,
conference participants spoke to students and faculty in classes,
seminars, and panel discussions. The main event, an evening panel
open to anyone in the community with a ticket, drew 800 people.
Like the classroom visits and the day panels, the audience response
was overwhelmingly positive.
Instead of being bombarded with one-sided opinions,
vilifications, slander, and distortion of the highest order, as
they were in the weeks before the conference, thousands of members
of the university and community had their first opportunity to
hear radical activists and academics represent their views in
their own words and in a full context. As the conference participants
spoke to classes throughout the university and presented their
views in numerous panels and a huge public forum, they had the
opportunity to explain the legitimacy and need for direct action
tactics, and to discuss the origins, motivations, and goals of
the new liberation movements.
Whatever audience members concluded, it was obvious
that these “lunatics” are intelligent, aware, and
compassionate people who lost their government trust blinders
for good reason. They are people committed to the defense of the
natural and social words against the ever-escalating assault of
industries on the forests, rivers, wilderness, and animals, and
their radicalism emerged organically out of their political experience.
In effect, radicals are products of the state that condemns them,
for if government enforced laws and protected citizens, and if
industries were not allowed “ownership” rights over
animals and the environment, there would be no need for an ALF,
ELF, and their academic supporters.
Will Monkeywrench For Nature
Throughout the event, the activists and academics
challenged the charge that destroying property is violence by
insisting that violence can only be committed against sentient
beings and not objects. The ALF and ELF are deeply committed to
principles of nonviolence and see themselves as adhering to the
peaceful direct action traditions of Gandhi and King. In the history
of ALF and ELF actions, no human being has ever been injured or
killed, whereas activists have been assaulted and killed by industry
goons and the state. Subsequently, panelists rejected the charge
that they are “terrorists” as an Orwellian reversal
of the truth. ALF and ELF activists harm no one and protect animals
and the environment from severe harm; conversely, industries torture
and kill billions of animals as they devastate ecosystems throughout
the planet. Thus, who are the real terrorists?
Key questions emerged throughout the conference:
who are the ALF and ELF and why do they exist? Do they play a
positive or negative role in the struggles to protect the natural
world? Why do they feel it is necessary to break laws? Can no
real and enduring progress be gained through legislation? Are
property destruction and arson tactics acceptable tactics? What
role do radical academics play in the new liberation movement
and how should activists and academics relate?
The new liberation movements are relatively young,
having emerged in the late 1970s (the ALF), the early 1980s (Earth
First!), and the 1990s (the ELF). In strong terms, activists explained
that they have found it necessary to work outside the legal system
and flout its laws, because the U.S. government is thoroughly
corrupt in its representation of powerful corporate interests
over the people. Activists have no trust in the state, and they
described how in cases such as the Animal Welfare Act laws serve
only to regulate exploitation and violence, or to distract attention
from the fact the state serves the interests of industries. Known
for sinking and ramming whaling ships, Paul Watson explained that
he does not break laws; rather he upholds international treaties
supposed to protect whales and other animals but which in fact
are not enforced.
Activists did not block the possibility of others
making useful reforms within the state. The Humane Society of
the United States, for example, has been the driving force behind
creating special elections that bypass the influence of industries
on governments and allow citizens themselves to pass laws against
various forms of animal cruelty. But the direct action activists
emphasized how difficult it is to make progressive laws, how poorly
they are enforced, and how they are constantly rewritten and watered
down through industry pressure on government. In an extreme situation
where after decades of hard work by animal rights and environmental
groups ever more animals are being killed and abused and the destruction
of the earth advances rapidly, activists feel that “extreme”
measures are needed to defend the earth and its animal species
from attack.
Liberation: Coming to a Town Near You
While the country feared another attack from
the Al Qaeda and remained on high alert status, activists and
academics gathered peacefully to talk about the crisis in the
natural world. Although they provoked anger with many, the conference
members had a deep and lasting impact on many students who for
the first time heard radical viewpoints instead of industry propaganda.
Along with the outrage, there was also appreciation for alternative
perspectives and challenges to the state, capitalism, and the
Western anthropocentric mindset that views the natural world as
nothing but resources for human beings to use as they see fit.
Clearly, this band of “eco-terrorists”
is no threat to national security, although the movements they
represent or defend do pose serious threats to industries that
exploit animals and the earth. The new liberation movements can
be compared to the Black Panthers of the 1960s to the degree that
mainstream thinking frames them as radical, extreme, and violent.
Or, they can be likened to the abolitionist movement of the nineteenth
century insofar as they seek to liberate and protect a living
world from those who illegitimately claim rights of property ownership
over it. Along with globalization and genetic engineering, animal
rights and radical environmentalism are among the most urgent
and heated topics of the day.
Flushed with excitement over a successful and
historically significant education forum, I wondered about its
long-term impact. Would there be more or less free speech at Fresno
in the future? Can the spark of the conference ignite activity
among an otherwise passive student body and dormant campus? Was
the door opened to other radical viewpoints, or would there be
a strong reaction and efforts to reindoctrinate the community
with agribusiness propaganda. Can there be more conferences like
this, or was it a singular event, both in terms of bringing together
a unique combination of individuals and getting a university to
host and fund it? (In fact, since the Fresno conference, a conference
of radical environmental activists was featured at Rice University
in Houston, Texas, and provoked similar ire against the university
for using tax dollars to sponsor “ecoterrorists.”
Moreover, another university-sponsored conference of radical activists
and academics is being planned for Spring 2004 around the publication
of the forthcoming book, Terrorists or Freedom Fighters: Reflections
on the Liberation of Animals, co-edited by Tony Nocella and myself.)
Unfortunately, one of the main issues of the
conference, the relation between radical academics and activists,
was never engaged. Academics certainly appreciate the activists,
but I heard anti-theory/academic biases voiced on occasion by
some activists. Whether appreciated by all or not, it was important
that academics were present to speak a different discourse informed
by their study of history, sociology, and philosophy. There is
a need for the new liberation movements to be taught in university
courses; to be studied at an academic level by sociologists, philosophers,
political scientists, and others; and to be involved in public
debates. While many radical academics are deeply involved in activist
causes, teaching and writing can be important modes of activism.
Educating students and the public about the history, ethics, and
politics of militant direct action movements is an important service
academics can perform as they help to legitimate animal and earth
liberation as serious and important topics of discussion.
Despite the new attack on activism and constitutional
rights in the era of the “Patriot Act,” animal and
earth liberation movements continue to wage war against the destructive
planetary machine of capitalism. As capitalist industries destroy
ever more human and animal life and devour the earth, opposition
movements to this genocide and ecocide will and must escalate.
As they do, and become ever more serious threats to industries,
the state will fight back with ferocity, as it is doing currently
through the Patriot Act and its even more repressive sequel soon
to debut in our land, Patriot Act 2, or, the “Domestic Security
Enhancement Act of 2003.”
One can only hope that the coming struggles will
not be violent, but history shows that when the stakes are this
high, moderation is not always exercised.
Back to Essays page
|